I) Three Strikes
A) San Francisco Longshoremen’s Strike
1) Grievances
(a)  The shape-up – longshoremen at this time were hired like day-laborers;  they showed up at dock gates in a port, and the hiring boss chose those  he was disposed to choose. If workers provided him with a reason to  choose them (connections, bribes, kickbacks on the wages they were to  receive that day), they were, of course, more likely to be chosen. The  most important battle as far as the workers were concerned was to gain  control of hiring practices (known as the hiring hall) so that they  could control who would be sent to what job.
(b)  Master agreement – workers demanded that all shipping firms agree to  the same terms of contract, so that all workers on the west coast would  be treated the same, and so that workers in other ports could not be  used to whittle away the gains others might make.
2)  International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) – the ILA was the  nominal union on the west coast, although its influence was flagging  during this time; its real source of power was its control of the ports  on the east coast, and on the Gulf coast. The ILA was led by a man named  Joe Ryan, one of the most spectacularly corrupt union officials in  history; as the strike on the West Coast dragged on, he flew in and  attempted to make a separate peace in each port, rather than the master  agreement that was one of the demands of the workers; only the  longshoremen of Seattle gave in to this ploy, however.
(a)  Harry Bridges – the leader of the San Francisco local was named Harry  Bridges. Originally from Australia, Bridges was a brilliant organizer.  Although he was probably a member of the Communist Party, he unfailingly  put the interests of his members first (although this did not stop  efforts by the US government to try and deport Bridges for much of the  next forty years as an undesirable alien).
3)  Battle of Rincon Hill – on July 5, San Francisco police attempted to  put an end to the city’s portion of the longshoremen’s strike by  attacking pickets at Rincon Hill, killing two and injuring 109 others.  This blatant favoritism by the police led to workers in the city to call  for a general strike, which took place for the following two days.  Workers took over many city functions during that time period—directing  traffic, etc. The international office of the AFL, however, demanded  that the San Francisco CLU end its support for the general strike, which  they almost immediately did and the strike quickly ended.
4)  Settlement –the longshoremen’s strike went on for another three weeks  after this, however, ending on July 31, after 11 weeks, with an  agreement to arbitration on the outstanding issues. Through vigorous job  actions over the next year or so, however, longshore workers were able  to gain most of their demands.
B) Minneapolis Teamster’s strike
1)  Citizen’s Alliance – an alliance of business citizens, that is. This  group of business leaders was determined to keep Minneapolis a bastion  of the open shop.
2) Teamster’s Local 574 –  led by a group of militant truck drivers who had been expelled by the  Communist Party in 1928—namely the three Dunne Brothers (Vincent, Grant,  and Miles) and Karl Skoglund—who were determined to organize truck  drivers in the city.
(a) February 1934 Coal  Driver’s Strike – the first blow to the Citizen’s Alliance leadership in  the city was this strike; obviously, a great number of Minneapolis  residents needed coal in the middle of February. The quick success of  this strike made the organization of other truck drivers and warehouse  workers much easier; by the middle of May the local boasted of over  5,000 members.
(b) May 1934 strike – called after  employers refused to bargain with the union; many members of the  Citizen’s Alliance were deputized. The Teamster local’s Woman’s  Auxiliary was also involved in the strike; when this group was attacked  by the police and five members were sent to the hospital, 35,000  building trades members declared a sympathy strike, with the city’s CLU  supporting the decision. After several bloody battles, the employer’s  group agreed to bargain with union.
(c)  July 1934 strike – the union distrusted the employer’s association, and  began almost immediately to prepare the membership for another strike,  which came July 16. The crux of disagreement was jurisdiction over  so-called “inside” workers (inside the warehouse, that is). Teamster’s  Local 574 wanted to transcend craft unionism and move toward industrial  unionism, which the employer’s association opposed—as did the union own  international president, Dan Tobin.
(i)  “Bloody Friday” – small group of “flying pickets”  were ambushed by the  Minneapolis police (as an investigation by Minnesota governor Floyd  Olson proved), with the result that two of the pickets died. Some 40,000  workers marched in the funeral procession for their two stricken  comrades.
(ii) Government arbitration – the  arbitrators sent in by the government were distrusted by Local 574, and  proved to be ineffective.
(d) Settlement –  on August 22, the employers association agreed to union representation  of inside workers, and all other union demands.
C) Toledo
1)  February 1934 – strike effecting Spicer Manufacturing, Bingham  Stamping, Logan Gear, and Electric Auto-Lite was called by Local 18384, a  Federal Union, a sort of temporary union created by the Toledo Central  Labor Union to begin organizing Toledo autoworkers.
(a)  Little initial support at Auto-Lite – only 15 workers at the Auto-Lite  plant joined the picket lines in February; only the solidarity of the  workers at the other plants, and their refusal to go back to work  without their fellow union members at the plant, got the Auto-Lite  management to agree to take back the strikers and “bargain” with the  union.
(b) Section 7a – (read the clause  from page 15 of Korth book); “guaranteed” workers to choose a union, and  to bargain collectively (the NIRA code gave manufacturers the right to  set prices and production quotas amongst themselves, in return).  Management attempted to meet this requirement by encouraging company  unions; workers resisted this push, and attempted to establish unions  under their control. In all three strikes, the main push for the workers  was simply that management recognize the union as their bargaining  agent.
2)  Auto-Lite bargaining tactics – essentially, to stonewall the union in  the hope that it would eventually fade away. Instead of bargaining in  good faith, as the company had indicated that it would, they instead  hired more workers, in order to expand the pool of trained  strikebreakers, in the anticipation that another strike would follow in  the immediate future.
(a) C.O. Miniger –  owner and manager of the company since the company had moved to Toledo  from Indiana to supply headlamps for Willys automobiles. Sat on the  board of directors of the Commerce Guardian Bank; when this bank failed  in 1933, he used an advanced warning to pull out the money of his  company and his own personal accounts, while thousands of ordinary  Toledoans lost their savings in the failure of the bank.
(b) Tear gas – the company also bought a large quantity of tear gas, in anticipation of trouble that would follow
3)  Congress for Progressive Labor Action (CPLA) – later known as the  American Workers Party (AWP), which still later became the Workers  Party. This group was led at this time by A.J. Muste, a (then) former  Dutch Reformed Church minister; this organization was peopled with  believers in Leon Trotsky’s “permanent revolution” (as contrary to Josef  Stalin’s “revolution in one country”), left-wing socialists who  believed that the economic distress of the country gave them a ripe  opportunity to overthrow the capitalist system of the country (a belief  which many capitalists shared).
(a) Lucas  County Unemployed League – formed in late 1933 to begin organizing the  unemployed in the county (mainly in the city of Toledo). They  accomplished this by using such tactics as a “death march,” where a  group of unemployed marched slowly around the county courthouse, pulling  a wagon with a bell sounding the death knell; and by taking groups of  unemployed into restaurants and insisting the owner send the bill to the  Lucas County commissioners.
4)  Second Auto-Lite Strike – concentrated upon the Auto-Lite and two  affiliated plants; Bingham Stamping, and Logan Gear, both of which were  partially owned by Miniger as well.
(a)  April 13 – pickets set up after the membership of the local voted to  strike the night before; approximately 400 workers from the plant walked  the picket line, while about the same number of workers crossed the  picket line initially. Picket line numbers were increased by the  participation of other union members, and by the participation by  members of the LCUL.
(b) Injunction –  strikebreakers were being roughed up, verbally abused, and intimidated  (followed, sometimes up the steps of their homes). On May 3, company  lawyers asked for, and received from Circuit Court judge Roy R. Stuart, a  sweeping injunction, limiting the number of pickets to twenty-five, and  preventing the participation by anyone who had not been an employee of  the Auto-Lite. The immediate result of this was that the number of  strikebreakers who reported for work greatly increased, allowing the  company to run full production, and essentially defeating the strike.
(c)  Violation of the injunction – at the suggestion of Louis Budenz (later a  member of the Communist Party, and later still a born-again Catholic  and FBI informer), the members of the LCUL announced, in an open letter  sent May 5 to Judge Stuart, that they were going to violate the  injunction—which they began the next day. The members (rather small at  this early time) were promptly arrested, and brought before Judge  Stuart, where they were admonished not do that anymore, and  released—whereupon they promptly left the courtroom and marched back to  the plant to begin picketing once again. This action encouraged other  members of the LCUL to join in. They would get arrested, raise hell at  the courthouse, and be released, only to head back to the picket line.  This “street theater” began to attract large crowds in front of the  factory—and more importantly, began to diminish the number of  strikebreakers to cross the picket line.
(d)  Community uprising – by May 23, more than 10,000 people, men and women,  were on the picket line surrounding the factory. Deputized plant  security was on the roof with tear gas. A female picket was struck on  the head with an object thrown from the upper floors of the factory;  workers responded with a barrage of bricks that continued through the  night. At midnight, the Ohio National Guard was mobilized; by the end of  the six-day disturbance, this would be the largest peacetime  mobilization in Guard history. The disturbance only ends when Ohio  governor White promises not to use the Guard to re-open the factory;  with the factory finally closed, Auto-Lite management agreed to  negotiate with the union.
D) Southern  Textile Workers strike – although valiantly fought by southern workers,  the dispersed nature of textile workers communities meant that they  received little help in their strike, which led to its failure.
E) Labor  successes – the three successful strikes of 1934 succeeded because the  workers conducting the strike were able to rely upon other workers in  the community—something the textile workers in the South, because of  their isolation, were not able to do. Although workers were certainly  inspired by section 7a, and by FDR’s apparent positive response to  labor, they did not rely upon the government to help them win their  battles against employers – a lesson that the CIO did not learn.
II) Works Projects (Progress) Administration (WPA) 1935-1942 
A)  Productive jobs – WPA employees saw themselves as workers and citizens,  not welfare cases; workers received nearly double to rate of pay of  workers on earlier programs (although, at FDR’s insistence, still below  the rate of the private sector, so that no one would be tempted to live  on government largess), and they were exchanging their labor for money,  just as they had during their employment in the private sector
B) 8,000,000 people put to work during the life of the life of the program
1) Toledo – Anthony Wayne Trail, Toledo Zoo
2) Cleveland – numerous bridges, Memorial Stadium
3) The Ohio State guide series
C) Popular Culture and the New Deal
1) Art
(a)  Murals – numerous murals were painted in public buildings, inspired by  Mexican muralists like Diego Rivera and Jose Clemente Orozco (local  examples include the Perrysburg Post Office and various buildings at the  Toledo Zoo).
2) Federal Writers Project
(a) State guides – government funded “guides” were produced for each of the 48 states; larger cities also got their own guides.
(b) Slave narratives
(c) Narratives of immigrants and cowboys, as well
3) Federal Music Project
(a) Created 34 symphony orchestras
(b) Sponsored numerous dance band
(c) Collection of folk music (Alan Lomax)
4) Federal Theater Project – perhaps the most controversial of the federal projects
(a) Living newspaper – writers and actors collaborating to produce drama out of recent news, and dramatizing current events.
(b) Ethnic theater groups – Yiddish, Spanish language.
5)  Photography – not strictly WPA; photographers were also hired by the  Department of Agriculture, and particularly the Farm Security  Administration. The photographers often were able to publish their  photographs in popular magazines of the day. When viewing these  photographs today, one should keep in mind that these photographers were  hired to take photographs by government agencies, in the expectation  that these materials would help the government build its case for  specific government programs.
6) Cultural forces outside of government
(a) Woody Guthrie
(b) John Steinbeck – Grapes of Wrath and Of Mice and Men
(c)  Warner Brothers Studio – the unofficial house studio of the New Deal;  Jack Warner was FDR’s main supporter in Hollywood, outside of the acting  and production talent.
7) Screen Actors Guild –  although established earlier, the Screen Actors Guild becomes more of a  force to be reckoned with during this time period (in fact, a second  banana actor named Ronald Reagan begins a second career when he rises to  the presidency of the organization in the 1950s).
III)  Social Security Act (1935) – now synomomous with an old age pension,  the program encompassed much more than this at its inception; it was an  attempt to build a European-style welfare state, with cradle-to-grave  coverage.
A) Help for the elderly
1) Immediate aid – a whopping $15 a month
2) Federal pension financed by payroll tax split evenly between workers and employers
B)  Unemployment insurance – administered at the state level, which meant  that compensation was higher in the north than in the south; the program  was meant to counteract the insecurity caused working families caused  by temporary layoffs.
C) Political, rather than fiscal,  issue – because the program was supported by a tax paid by workers and  employers (for whom the workers produced a profit), workers felt that  they had “earned” benefits, which made it appear to them (and some of  the more conservative elected officials who represented them).
D) Aid to Dependent Children – granted on a monthly basis, after a social worker visited the family to ascertain their needs.
E)  Racial Inequalities – as the potential for more non-whites began to  receive these benefits, the benefits became more controversial.
1)  Racial code of the Social Security Act – the act excluded, at the  insistence of Southern legislators, agricultural workers and domestic  servants—or about 60% of the African American workforce.
2) Sharecroppers and farm laborers – excluded from benefiting from unemployment insurance, as well
3)  Disparities in Aid to Dependent Children – families in Arkansas  received approximately 1/8 of the total aid given to families in  Massachusetts
F)  Fair Labor Standards Act – ended ½ day on Saturdays as a usual workday,  and made the 40-hour week standard nation wide; the FLSA also pegged  the minimum wage to Southern wages of textile and lumber workers, in the  hopes of eventually raising those rates.
G)  Wagner Act – officially known as the National Labor Relations Act, but  named for its Senate sponsor, Robert Wagner of New York.
1) Hoped to answer two problems
(a) Industrial unrest and social turmoil – as was seen in the labor actions in 1934
(b)  Wage stagnation and under consumption – these two problems were seen by  an increasing number of people in the New Deal as the reason for the  Depressions grip on the economy of the country.
VI)  Rise of the CIO – initially these letters stood for the Committee for  Industrial Organization; after the break away from the AFL, the  organization became known as the Congress of Industrial Organizations.
A)  Formed in the fall of 1935 – by unionists inside the AFL who believed  that unions had to begin organizing workers by industry to begin  combating the economic clout of large corporations.
1)  John L. Lewis – president of the UMW; to this point Lewis was an  autocratic leader (and he remained that in the UMW). Lewis’ change of  heart was probably dictated by his unions inability to organize  “captive” mines—that is, the mines owned by the steel companies.
(a)  Communist organizers – Lewis utilized numerous Communist and Socialist  organizers in his drive, mainly because of their superior organizing  results. When asked if he were concerned that these organizers might  persuade workers to join these other organization, Lewis replied, “Who  gets the pheasant, the dog or the hunter?”
B)  Flint Sit-Down Strike (1936-1937) – in many ways, this strike was the  defining moment for the early CIO, and certainly for the fledgling  United Automobile Workers (UAW).
1) GM employed 80% of  the Flint workforce at this time, either directly or indirectly, so the  economic impact of the company on the community was huge, and the  corporation could usually rely upon city government to be compliant with  their wishes.
2) GM workers began strikes around the country in November and December of 1936.
(a)  Toledo GM workers – had successfully struck the Chevrolet Transmission  plant on Central Avenue in the spring of 1935, with hardly any violence;  many Toledo union members had advocated asking other GM workers to go  out on strike as well—in fact, a caravan drove to Flint. The AFL  representative actively discouraged this action, however. The  corporation responded by pulling out half the machinery in the plant  over a Thanksgiving lay over, with a resultant loss in jobs.
(b)  UAW plan – the leadership of the union planned to strike Fisher Body  plants in Cleveland and Flint after the start of the year, when workers  received a bonus from the corporation, and more labor-friendly  administrations took office in Ohio and Michigan
3)  The Sit-Down Strike – this tactic allowed a militant minority to shape  events; by occupying the building, workers were able to ensure that  their would be no scab replacements—and that the threat of attacks on  the workers would be minimized because they were inside with all of the  expensive machinery.
(a) First utilized in Akron – this tactic was first used by tire workers in Akron, even if Flint workers get most of the credit.
(b) Battle of Running Bulls (January 11, 1937)
(c) Workers seizure of Chevrolet Plant #2 forced GM to bargaining table.
IV) Presidential politics
A) 1936 Presidential election
1)  Roosevelt Landslide – Roosevelt used a great deal of populist rhetoric  in the election, calling the Republican Party “economic royalists” and  “organized money.”
2) Roosevelt won 60% of  the popular votes cast (greater than his victory over Hoover), and the  electoral votes of every state except Maine and Vermont.
(a)  African American vote – by 1936, African Americans voted overwhelmingly  in favor of FDR over the Republican standard-bearer, in a reversal over  long-standing tendencies to vote for the party of Lincoln. This occurs,  despite some discriminatory practices in New Deal programs, for several  reasons.
(i) “Black Cabinet” – second level  bureaucrats and black leaders outside of the administration who  provided advice to the administration; these African Americans were  particularly influential upon Eleanor Roosevelt.
(ii)  Eleanor Roosevelt – when African American singer Marion Anderson was  refused the use of the DAR Hall in DC to hold a concert, Eleanor R.  resigned her membership in the organization, and arranged for Ms.  Anderson to give her concert on the Mall, on the steps of the Lincoln  Memorial.
B)  Roosevelt Recession – FDR’s lack of ideology comes back to haunt him;  because he was not a true believer in Keynesian economics (explain  Keynesian economics), Roosevelt was never comfortable with the sizable  deficit that his government was running; with his sizable victory in  1936, he decided to greatly reduce spending in 1937, with disastrous  results.
1) Economic recession – the  Roosevelt Recession probably contributed most to the disenchantment  towards Roosevelt, and the gains by conservatives in the elections in  1938.
2) Political backlash
(a)  Reaction to “packing” the Supreme Court – a reactionary court had ruled  against Roosevelt policies in numerous cases to this point; FDR  advocated being enabled to nominate an additional justice for each one  over the age of seventy-five (which would have added four additional  justices to the bench); both Republican and many Democrats claimed  Roosevelt was attempting to become dictator. The public fallout here was  probably less severe than the bad press this generated for the  President.
3) Backlash against labor
(a) Monroe MI – Republic Steel private police force gassed SWOC headquarters and set fire to it.
(b)  Youngstown – Gov. Davey, who labor had supported in the 1936 election,  read the handwriting on the wall, and used the National Guard to protect  and escort strikebreakers to another Republic Steel plant on strike in  this city. Phil Murray, whom Lewis had appointed to head up the SWOC  Little Steel organizing drive, called for FDR to assist in this crisis,  which he refused to do; this was the beginning of the rift between Lewis  and FDR.
(c) Chicago Memorial Day Massacre – Republic  Steel employees in Chicago on strike were rallying when Chicago police  opened fire on the unarmed crowd, killing several; newsreel footage of  this incident was withheld because officials feared it would be  incendiary.
V) Conclusion